Free Press 12-13
revelations highlight rare Congressional hearings on Ohio vote
by Bob Fitrakis, Steve Rosenfeld and Harvey Wasserman
December 13, 2004
Startling new revelations about Ohio's presidential vote have
been uncovered as Democratic members of the House Judiciary Committee
join Rev. Jesse Jackson in Columbus, the state capital, on Monday,
Dec. 13, to hold a rare field hearing into election malfeasance and
manipulation in the 2004 vote. The Congressional delegation will
include Rep. John Conyers (D-MI), Rep. Maxine Waters (D-CA), Rep.
Stephanie Tubbs-Jones, and others.
Taken together, the revelations show Republicans - in state
and county government, and in the Ohio Republican Party - were
determined to undermine and suppress Democratic turnout by a wide
variety of methods.
The revelations were included in affidavits gathered for an
election challenge lawsuit filed Monday at the Ohio Supreme Court.
Ohio's Republican Electoral College representatives are also to meet
at noon, Monday, at the State House, even though the presidential
recount, requested by the Green and Libertarian Parties, is only
beginning the same day.
On Sunday, John Kerry spoke with Rev. Jesse Jackson and urged
him to take an more active role in investigating the irregularities
and ensuring a fair and impartial recount. Kerry said there were three
areas of inquiry that should be addressed: 92,000 ballots that
recorded no vote for president; qualifying and counting provisional
ballots; and supported an independent analysis of the software and
set-up of the optical scan voting machines.
What follows are excerpts from some of the affidavits for the
- In Warren
County, where election officers declared a homeland security emergency
on Election Day, and barred reporters and others from watching the
vote count, it now has been revealed that county employees were told
the previous Thursday they should prepare for the Election Day
lockdown. That disclosure suggests the lockdown was a political
decision, not a true security risk. Moreover, statements also describe
how ballots were left unguarded and unprotected in a warehouse on
Election Day, and they were hastily moved after county officials
- In Franklin
County, where Columbus is located, the election director, Matt
Damschroder, misinformed a federal court on Election Day when he
testified the county had no additional voting machines - in response
to a Voting Rights Act lawsuit brought by the state Democratic Party
that minority precincts were intentionally deprived of machines. It
now appears as many as 81 voting machines were being held back, out of
2,866 available, according to recent statements by Damschroder and
Bill Anthony, the chairman of the Franklin County Board of Elections.
The shortage of machines in Democratic-leaning districts lead to long
lines and thousands of people leaving in frustration and not voting.
Damschroder's contradictory statements raise the possibility of
- Also in
Franklin County, a worker at the Holiday Inn observed a team of 25
people who called themselves the "Texas Strike Force" using
payphones to make intimidating calls to likely voters, targeting
people recently in the prison system. The "Texas Strike Force"
members paid their way to Ohio, but their hotel accommodations were
paid for by the Ohio Republican Party, whose headquarters is across
the street. The hotel worker heard one caller threaten a likely voter
with being reported to the FBI and returning to jail if he voted.
Another hotel worker called the police, who came but did nothing.
- In Knox
County, students at Kenyon College, a liberal arts school, stood in
line for up to 11 hours, because only one voting machine was in use.
However, at nearby Mt. Vernon Nazarene University, there were ample
voting machines and no lines. This suggests the GOP shorting of voting
machines was a more widespread tactic than just targeting inner-city
- Reports in
sworn affadavits affirm numerous instances of direct official
interference with the right to vote. In Warren County, Democrats were
being targeted and forced to use provisional ballots, even if they had
proper identification. These ballots were then subjected to more
rigorous standards to be counted than were other ballots. In a
half-dozen precincts in Franklin County, people who were not inside
polling places by 7:30 PM were told to leave - even if they had waited
in line for hours. This is a violation of the Voting Rights Act. Sworn
affidavits also confirmed reports of old voter rolls being used,
meaning that new voters were not on the list and would be given
provisional ballots, if allowed to vote at all.
Affidavits were also filed in support of the election challenge
suit raising questions about manipulating exit poll results and
computer tabulation of county and statewide votes.
In one exit poll affidavit, Jonathan David Simon, an expert
witness, notes that at 12:53 a.m. the exit polls altered the projected
winner - even though the same number of votes had been cast.
"Although each update reports the same number of respondents
(872), the reported results differ significantly, with the latter
(12:53 a.m.) exit poll results apparently having been brought into
congruence with the tabulated vote results." In other words, the
exit polls were made to conform to a political decision to declare
Bush the victor.
Another exit poll affidavit, filed by Ron Paul Baiman, an
economist and statistician at the University of Illinois and
University of Chicago, said the swing in national exit poll results,
recorded at 12:33 a.m., when Kerry was winning with 50.8 percent of
the vote, to Bush winning with 51.2 percent, was, "in lay
"This is more than a 100 percent swing in the other
direction of the exit poll margin, he said. "There is less than a
one in 25,000,000 (1/25,507,308) chance of this occurring."
Another affidavit by Richard Hayes Phillips, a geomorphology
Ph.D. from University of Oregon with a special expertise in spotting
anomalous data, found dramatic examples of erroneous voting patterns -
with votes taken away from Kerry - that can only be explained by
For instance, in 16 precincts in Cleveland, he found votes that
were shifted from Kerry to other candidates. In at least 30 precincts,
there was ultra-low voter turnout reported - as low as 7.1 percent
or 13.05 percent - and seven entire wards where total turnout was
below 50 percent. He writes, "Kerry won Cleveland with 83.27
percent of the vote to 15.88 percent for Bush. If voter turnout were
really 60 percent of registered voters, as seems likely based on
turnout in other major cities of Ohio, rather than 49.89 percent as
reported, Kerry's margin of victory in Cleveland has been wrongly
reduced by 22,000 votes."
Phillips points to other counties where has says "there is
compelling evidence of fraud." In Miami County early on election
night, when 31,620 votes had been counted, and later, when 50,235
votes were counted, "Kerry had exactly the same percentage, 33.92
percent, and the percentage for George Bush was almost exactly the
same, dropping by 0.03 percent from 65.80 to 65.77 percent. The second
set of returns gave Bush a margin of exactly 16,000 votes, giving
cause to question the integrity of the central counting device for the
optical scan machines. "
He cites many other examples, but summarizes his findings:
"It is my professional opinion that John Kerry's margins of
victory were wrongly reduced by 22,000 votes in Cleveland, by 17,000
votes in Columbus, and by as many as 7,000 votes in Toledo. It is my
further professional opinion that John Kerry's margins of defeat in
Warren, Butler, and Clermont Counties were inflated by as many as
37,000 votes in the aggregate, and in Miami County by as many as 6,000
votes. There are still 92,672 uncounted regular ballots that, based
upon the analysis set forth of the election results from Dayton and
Cincinnati, may be expected to break for John Kerry by an overwhelming
margin. And there are still 14,441 uncounted provisional
Bob Fitrakis, Steve Rosenfeld and Harvey Wasserman are
co-authors of OHIO'S STOLEN ELECTION: VOICES OF THE
DISENFRANCHISED, 2004, upcoming from